Top 5 businesses of relatives of governors : Luzhkov, Shaimiev, Rakhimov, Matvienko, Stroev

All in the family

Victor Dyatlikovich

“The investigators of the Smolensk FSB Directorate today are like fools with lathered necks. They opened a high-profile case, conducted an investigation, but they cannot finish it and transfer the materials to the court. Because they are not allowed to go beyond certain buoys,” the former deputy chief of the Smolensk police, Anatoly Semtsov, is not short of frankness and courage. He even makes an appointment at a cafe a two-minute walk from the FSB building, although those same ill-fated investigators often come here. And “behind the buoys,” according to the retired policeman, are the former governor of the Smolensk region Viktor Maslov and members of his family: his wife, daughter and son-in-law. All of them are in one way or another involved in criminal cases, clearly demonstrating how the principle of nepotism operates even in the poorest regions of Russia.

The opportunity to provide patronage to the business of relatives is perceived in our country almost as a legal privilege of an official. The interests of the state suffer from this, and the government is discredited in the eyes of the population. Entrepreneurs cannot count on fair competition with those who decide the development of their business not through competitions and tenders, but over a family dinner. At the same time, the “family” business of officials rarely becomes the subject of a criminal investigation. Most often - at the level of city leaders. Lately, there has also been interest in governors who have fallen into disgrace. But until the state develops clear rules - what officials and their relatives are allowed to do, and what they should be punished for - all these criminal cases will look like settling political scores.

"Family" medicine

The case that Anatoly Semtsov is talking about was opened by the local FSB on May 15 last year on the facts of the illegal sale of state property. Two accused - head of the health department of the administration of the Smolensk region Alexander Doronin and director of the state enterprise "Medtehnika-Smolensk" (hereinafter - "Medtehnika") Vladimir Alexa - spent time in a pre-trial detention center and were released on bail. Relatives of ex-regional governor Viktor Maslov are involved in the case only as witnesses, although it was they who received a significant part of the property that, according to the investigation, was sold illegally and at prices clearly below market prices.

The mediator in this transaction was the state enterprise Medtekhnika. It was created to supply medical equipment to regional hospitals and clinics, but soon acquired the right to sell state property. The crime scheme, according to investigators, was simple, not to say primitive. “Medtechnika” approached the regional government with a request to transfer this or that building to it for use. I received it. And after a few weeks she sought permission to sell it. And she sold it. In most cases, no competition. Garages, warehouses, administrative buildings and even a two-room apartment in the center of Smolensk. Many of these objects were purchased by the daughter and son-in-law of Viktor Maslov - Victoria and Oleg Potemkin. And the apartment (the only thing that was sold through competition) was awarded to one of the vice-governors.

Formally, all buildings were assessed by an independent specialist, but then these examinations began to raise doubts. For example, the Smolensk-Pharmacia company bought part of an administrative building, a basement and a warehouse on Aptecheskaya Street from Medtekhnika for 5.3 million rubles. And she immediately took out a loan from the bank secured by this property - 12 million rubles. Moreover, the parties valued the property itself at 14.7 million - that is, three times more than what the “independent” expert initially estimated.

It’s even more pleasant to make a profit not just once, but every month. On December 1, 2006, Medtechnika leased one of its pharmacies to Medium LLC - 400 sq. m. m for just over 82 thousand rubles per month. “Medium” subleases 117 of these 400 meters on the same day - already for 128,620 rubles! So beautifully, easily and naturally, a company makes money out of thin air, among the founders of which are the governor’s wife Irina Maslova and two relatives of officials who are listed as defendants in the case.

Yes, these numbers do not boggle the imagination. Not on a Russian scale. Well, what is a couple thousand dollars a month, earned out of nothing by subletting premises? Especially if they are divided into three. This trial is unique in that it has every chance of going to trial in the near future. Other cases in the same Smolensk were either not initiated or were terminated by the regional prosecutor's office. They include the same relatives of Viktor Maslov, as well as the mayor of Smolensk Vladislav Khaletsky. We are talking about obtaining government loans, raider takeovers of enterprises, and the allocation of land plots that is questionable from the point of view of the law.

Viktor Maslov himself resigned at the end of last year. Now he represents the Smolensk region in the Federation Council and, by the way, he himself will soon vote for or against the adoption of the anti-corruption law, which is being developed by an interdepartmental working group led by presidential assistant Viktor Ivanov.

Legitimate fight

In Russia they like to develop and then not pass anti-corruption laws. Only in April, the State Duma rejected two similar bills, which often included the words “relatives”, “family members”, etc. Both suggested mandatory declaration of income not only by officials, but also by their spouses and children. It was also planned to narrow the range of positions that relatives of officials could hold, introduce a ban on opening accounts abroad, and much more.

The deputies passed both projects. They say this is due to the fact that soon the “Kremlin” version of the anti-corruption law will be submitted to the State Duma, which contains many of the above-mentioned points, including those related to “nepotism.” There is a fierce struggle around this project, although no one has yet seen its final version.

I stocked up on popcorn, took a seat in the first row of the auditorium and am waiting to see how the preparation of this law will end,” says Elena Panfilova, head of the Russian branch of the international organization Transparency International (TI).

Every year TI conducts a study and determines the level of corruption in different countries, while Russia is a clear outsider. The whole question is how strict the wording will be applied in the new Russian law. After all, in fact, the mere requirement to declare income by family members of officials is meaningless. Most often, according to documents, these wives, sons, nephews and daughters are law-abiding businessmen. Yes, they are very, very successful, but is this their fault? Viktor Maslov, meeting with a RR correspondent and commenting on the attacks on his relatives, said: “They are independent, adults. They need to live on something. And their absolute right is to do business.”

A lot depends on whether or not the new Russian law agrees with this interpretation of the situation. The problem is not the high incomes of relatives of officials: they really have the right to do business. The problem is how they achieve success, whether the “main relative” sitting at the top of the regional power pyramid helps them in this.

Russia has ratified the Council of Europe Convention on the Fight against Corruption, which contains a very important article,” continues Elena Panfilova. - Corruption is recognized there as “abuse of influence.” We call this “spinal law”, “calling a friend”, but it is not considered a direct manifestation of corruption. And the European Convention clearly states that if an official vested with authority did not himself “sell” a service, but used his influence to provide corrupt preferences to some third party, this is also corruption.

In addition, in all international anti-corruption conventions that Russia has ratified, there is such a concept as “conflict of interest.” It is used in almost all European countries. When entering the civil service, a person lists all the business interests of his family: my wife, they say, I have a banker, my son is the owner of a chain of car dealerships, my daughter has an audit firm, etc. And if his wife’s bank participates in a government tender, this official is deprived of any there was no way to influence its results. And he can’t even call interested people on the phone - because of that very clause about “abuse of influence.”

Its effectiveness directly depends on whether these norms are included in the new anti-corruption law. In the meantime, as practice shows, the success of a “family” business rarely comes without help from above. Both the financial capabilities of regional budgets and administrative power resources are used. In the case, for example, when a particular business is seized in the interests of relatives of officials. According to opponents of the same Viktor Maslov, he actively used these methods to help his family.

"Family" loans

Viktor Maslov was elected governor of the Smolensk region in the spring of 2002, being the head of the local FSB department. It cannot be said that he had a crystal clear reputation then. Former prosecutor of the Smolensk region Evgeny Agarkov published a book in which, among other things, he accuses the head of the FSB Maslov of the participation of his subordinates in the theft of confiscated smuggled non-ferrous metals, cigarettes and alcohol. However, the statute of limitations in those cases has expired - you can no longer find out who is right and who is wrong.

Maslov’s popularity was initially high even among those who now thirst for his “blood.” The apotheosis of recognition was one of the issues of the local magazine “Smolensk”, where as many as 56 photographs of the recently elected governor appeared on 52 pages.

Five years later, the magazine’s editor-in-chief, Vladimir Korenev, meets us in the “editorial office” - a one-room office four by four meters, where there is only one table, stacks of books propped up by a bust of Saltykov-Shchedrin are laid out on the floor. The magazine is now called “New Smolensk” because the previous one’s license was taken away, its editorial premises and almost all its property were deprived. Vladimir Korenev is sure that the transition to the opposition is to blame.

It was his magazine that was the first to publish the materials of the criminal case on the allocation of a state loan to Tasis-Agro LLC. In 2005, the company received 9,000,150 rubles from the budget of Smolensk. Everything would be fine, but among the founders of the company were the daughter of Governor Maslov, Victoria, and the daughter of the mayor of Smolensk, Vladislav Khaletsky, Olga Starkova. The prosecutor's office of the Leninsky district of Smolensk opened a criminal case regarding the misuse of budget funds. As it turned out, on your own head.

The city mayor wrote a complaint to the regional prosecutor's office. Deputy prosecutor Alexei Markov, being on vacation, found time to study the materials and immediately forwarded the case to another district prosecutor's office, where it was soon closed. The investigators who opened the case and the prosecutor of the Leninsky district, Leonid Zhuchkov, received penalties, and were soon dismissed altogether.

I then asked the investigator who closed the case, what are you doing? And he answered me: “I signed what they brought me,” fired Leonid Zhuchkov, who has been trying to get reinstated for two years now, tells RR.

And soon there were speculations about why Tasis-Agro needed a loan. Most likely, for the purchase of OJSC Smolensk Cheese Plant. Or rather, Tasis-Agro believes that the plant was purchased. The former owners are confident that their company was seized by raiders.

"Family" grips

It is difficult to describe raider takeovers in non-economic language. Try to imagine that you have agricultural production and sell milk to a local cheese factory. Then you decide to buy part of his shares and eventually become one of his co-owners. And one sunny day, this cheese factory is taken away from you, they post security there and declare that you sold your shares three years ago. This is approximately what happened to Alexey Gusev: his 50% stake in the Smolensk Cheese Plant turned into nothing in a matter of moments.

There are already a dozen criminal cases in this story, one missing person, one who was taken hostage.

We talk with Alexey Gusev in his car. Through the rain-drenched windshield, the same plant is visible. The building, painted bright blue, is dissonant with the dull spring landscape. “We also painted,” Alexey says with obvious nostalgia, but it is felt that he no longer hopes to return his property. He even refuses to get out of the car so as not to be an eyesore to the “alien” plant security.

At first we didn’t understand who we were fighting against,” admits Alexey. - We watched the films “Brother” back then, we believed that power lies in truth, we went to court. And then it turned out that Tasis-Agro, which eventually became the owner of our plant, had among its founders the daughters of the governor and mayor of Smolensk. Only then did we understand who we were up against.

First, Deputy Governor Alexander Vorotnikov began visiting the director of the plant. I asked them to sell the shares. There were no threats then. Only the tax office came with inspections and the Internal Affairs Directorate periodically confiscated documents from the server - they were looking for information with which they could put pressure on shareholders. Nothing was found. And we went the other way. They forced the former director of the plant to falsify the register of shareholders, registering the sale of shares retroactively.

Before the deal was finalized retroactively, former director Pavel Kostikov spent almost a month in Moscow essentially as a hostage. “I was forbidden to leave for Smolensk... Unfamiliar men, who were always present during our conversations at the Ukraina Hotel, looked at each other and said meaningfully: “He doesn’t understand who he’s contacted” or “He doesn’t understand what’s happening.”<…>At that moment I was ready to give them anything to save the lives of me and my wife.” These are excerpts from the notarized testimony of Pavel Kostikov.

After the documents were forged, the plant was seized by force. Since then, the parties have been going to arbitration courts, proving whose truth is more truthful.

Four years of trials, but the situation is the same: two shareholders, two registers. Only they have been making a profit all these years, and we are nobody,” Alexey Gusev concludes sadly. - Naturally, Tasis-Agro itself did not carry out the seizure - this was done by local businessman Valery Gorbatovsky. He apparently decided that he would make money from this himself. But since, according to my assumption, this seizure was initially carried out for a specific customer - Tasis-Agro, Gorbatovsky began to interfere. And went missing. Soon after this, the director of Tasis-Agro, Viktor Yushkov, appears at the enterprise. I ask him: “Who are you?” “The regional administration appointed me to resolve the situation.” I say: “What does the administration have to do with it? This is a dispute between two economic entities.” He does not answer.

Alexey Gusev won the majority of arbitration courts on property rights, but there is no final decision. Probably, Alexey is not defending his rights as actively as he could - because he does not want a repeat of the situation when he spent several days in a pre-trial detention center: immediately after the seizure of the plant, criminal cases were opened against almost all the owners of the plant who resisted the actions of the new government.

The cops in this situation were completely on the side of the administration,” says Gusev. - If criminal cases were initiated, they all ended up with one investigator. In general, I was not the only one who fell under the distribution. Many others who had more or less large businesses also got caught. And all this happened after Maslov came to power and decided to take control of the business - naturally, not himself, but through dummies. If he is an FSB general, it means he has brains: he himself does nothing.

The owners of Tasis-Agro, however, consider themselves conscientious buyers. They allegedly purchased the plant after a chain of resales for 5 million rubles. The timing of the payment of this money almost coincides with the receipt of a loan from the administration of Smolensk, for which a criminal case was initiated.

In approximately the same way - arriving at the plant immediately after the raiders - Tasis-Agro established control over Dorogobuzhsky Cheese LLC. And now it is called one of the leading agricultural holdings in the Smolensk region. The daughter of Viktor Maslov is still one of the founders of the company.

An ordinary phenomenon

A public position as a business project is not such a rare occurrence. True, if we are talking about the governor, the prosecutor’s office most often notices such facts only after the official resigns. The situation is developing almost according to the Smolensk scenario in the Yaroslavl region, where Governor Anatoly Lisitsyn ruled for many years. There, attempts by the previous administration to take control of some enterprises could lead to social protest.

You go to the governor, ask if he needs 400 angry women in the square in front of the administration! - someone shouts belligerently at a general meeting of workers of the Yaroslavlconfectioner plant.

A stuffy workshop, two shareholders surrounded by those to whom they have not been able to pay salaries for several months: the company’s accounts have been frozen. Many are sure that the reason for everything is the desire of high-ranking officials to get their hands on a plot of land in the very center of the city. After all, the factory entrance is located across the road from the Yaroslavl Kremlin.

The situation is simple,” says one of the company’s shareholders, Alexander Anosov, having left the environment of “angry women.” - Lisitsyn and Skorokhodova (ex-deputy governor - RR) had the idea to take this territory for themselves. They didn't go directly. We found an investor. They began to put pressure on the main shareholder of the plant to sell them shares. Then they wanted to buy the rest from us for cheap. Bottom line: they would get assets in the city center.

It was not possible to put pressure on the majority of shareholders. Then criminal cases were opened against them, and the plant management, close to the administration, began to artificially create debts in order to bankrupt the enterprise.

Of course, the administration, the same Lisitsyn and Skorokhodova, never acted independently, continues Alexander Anosov. - At the negotiations, they were always represented by local businessman Vadim Solovyov, who repeated every word that he spoke on behalf of Lisitsyn, that the governor and his deputy think so and warn that if you do not agree, you will have problems. We didn’t really believe in this until we spent several days in a pre-trial detention center on a criminal case that was made up out of thin air.

The final takeover of Yaroslavlkonditer, apparently, was prevented by a change of power in the region. Shareholders and the new administration now have to deal with debts and hope that the promised speech of 400 angry women will not take place.

Any such system, assures Smolensk coordinator of the National Anti-Corruption Committee Vladimir Shargaev, is built on the fact that all people in power cover for each other. In our case, this is the former leadership of the administration, the prosecutor’s office, partly the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the courts, which make openly biased decisions.

It is obvious that a raider takeover is impossible without the “help” of government agencies, primarily the security forces.

The raider always backs up its actions with support from government agencies, explains Evgenia Golenkova, general director of the Agency for Anti-Crisis Technologies and Investments, whose company specializes in legal protection against raiders, to RR. - With the help of administrative resources, the raider ensures positive decisions for himself, the passage of “crooked” and fake documents in the registration authorities. Very often, raiders resort to lobbying from law enforcement agencies in order, for example, to seize important documents under the guise of a search. Or, for example, to “enter” an enterprise. In addition, it is always important how a criminal case is investigated and whether it is investigated at all.

The same applies to the admission of firms “related” to officials to lucrative competitions, auctions, and the distribution of government orders. At the same time, one should place high hopes on the new law only if it is implemented. After all, the country still has all the conditions to control the “family” business of officials. In 2000, Russia ratified the anti-money laundering convention and became a member of the International Commission against Money Laundering (FATF). After this, Rosfinmonitoring was created, one of the functions of which is to control the financial flows of public officials and their families. Before his appointment as Prime Minister, this body was headed by Viktor Zubkov.

The problem is that from the first day of its existence, Rosfinmonitoring has not been particularly transparent and, although they receive information on all banking transactions weekly, no one knows what they find there, laments Elena Panfilova. - But according to FATF instructions, Rosfinmonitoring is obliged to monitor all category A officials: executive and legislative authorities, senior military, law enforcement officials, judges, prosecutors and even heads of large state corporations plus members of their families. In the West, the financial transactions of spouses are checked, even if they have been divorced for 2-3 years, because this is a very convenient combination: throw a large kickback to your wife, divorce her - and you seem to be in the clear.

...In Russia, the results of such monitoring have not yet been made public. And therefore, any criminal case, even if it involves relatively small amounts, as in the case of the Smolensk Medtechnika, causes resonance. A source in local law enforcement agencies admitted to a RR correspondent that Viktor Maslov’s relatives will remain in the case as witnesses. Although retired deputy chief of the Smolensk police Anatoly Semtsov hopes that the trial will affect not only minor figures:

Criminal prosecution of Maslov is now impossible due to his senatorial status. But for the ball to unwind, it is enough to bring charges against his deputy, Alexander Shchelokov. He signed changes to the charter of Medtechnika, giving it the right to sell state property. But Shchelokov has no personal interest in this matter - only Maslov’s family is interested here. And as soon as charges are brought against Shchelokov, he will immediately meow who asked him to sign such documents.

Not for self-interest

Former governor of the Smolensk region Viktor Maslov talks about his family’s business and corruption charges

Let's start with the high-profile Medtechnika case...

Let's start with why it's considered loud. "Medtechnika-Smolensk" is a state unitary enterprise. The regional administration transferred to him the property that it did not need: one garage, which was half flooded with sewage, other garages in poor condition, another warehouse, an apartment.

Medtechnika was on the verge of bankruptcy, and we wanted them to dispose of this rubbish, sell it, and replenish their cash register. They selected a commission through a competition that carried out a market valuation of the property. And they sold it. I am a lawyer myself, and for me the main question in any case is whether there is self-interest on the part of the accused? There is no self-interest. Is there an intent to commit a crime? No. Why then is this case called high-profile?

Maybe because your relatives became the owners of most of these objects and many people call the selling price not at all market price?

Governor is a big position. And do you mean that I pursued the goal of selling this state property to my relatives on the cheap? But the asking price for these objects is 50–100 thousand rubles. Well, this is a real little thing!

What was the director of Medtechnika guided by? He wanted to quickly sell all this junk, and sell it to people who would pay for the purchase without delay. He began visiting his acquaintances and making offers. And he offered the first garage, which was in terrible condition, to my daughter. The daughter agreed and bought it, I repeat, at the market price. The second block of garages was bought by the son-in-law. Also in accordance with market prices.

Personally, I, of course, did not give any orders to either the head of Medtechnika or the head of the property department to lower prices, so that these objects were sold to these very people. Moreover, there were objects there that might have been even more interesting for me and my family members, for example a warehouse. But he went to the joint-stock company Smolensk-Pharmacia. Or the same two-room apartment. Knowing that an apartment is always a relatively scandalous matter, we sold it through a competition. Well, the deputy governor ended up buying it. But there was a competition, and I wasn’t interested in how it was organized either.

So you weren't afraid that at some stage your relatives might turn into suspects?

No. They are conscientious buyers. I don’t see any guilt in the fact that they bought these objects with their earned money, having paid all taxes.

Your daughter also appeared in another criminal case - about the illegal issuance of a state loan to the commercial firm Tasis-Agro.

The decision to issue a loan to Tasis-Agro was made by the city leadership. This company provides food to social facilities in Smolensk; it participates in the implementation of the national project “Agriculture”. They had to be given 9 million for a few days, because there was an on-lending. Then they returned them with interest.

And what about the raider takeover of the Smolensk cheese plant, which Tasis-Agro eventually became the owner of?

This plant was under the control of criminal structures. Now he is in good hands. Moreover, I personally did not take part in this process at all. And now there is no conflict of interest. Well, if only with a criminal component. They used to work on “black” smuggled raw materials, completely evading taxes.

Yes, my daughter is one of the founders of Tasis-Agro. But it does not influence decision-making, and has never received a single ruble of dividends. I’m telling her now: why are you listed there then, get out of the founders. But when they saw her last name, they immediately tied all these events to me.

And they decided that you were behind this entire structure...

Yes, this is gossip. When I left Smolensk, I immediately found out that I owned 17 apartments and the Crystal jewelry factory, and all the construction organizations in the region were mine. In fact, I have no economic interests in the region. But, of course, I have a daughter and son-in-law. They are independent adults. They need to live on something. And their absolute right is to do business.

Nepotism rating: Top 5 businesses of relatives of governors

Photo	Businessman
	1. Moscow. Husband and wife. Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov and his wife Elena Baturina have always worked in tandem. The mayor said that more housing needs to be built, his wife built it. Today Elena Baturina is the sole owner of Inteko CJSC. The company's scope of interests is wide: from the production of disposable plastic cups and forks to the construction of residential neighborhoods in the capital. The level of well-being of the Moscow mayor's family can be judged by at least one transaction: in March 2005, Inteko sold all seven of its cement plants to the Eurocement group. Experts valued the deal at $800 million. However, both Yuri Luzhkov and Elena Baturina have always been jealous of their reputations, constantly stating that family ties have nothing to do with the entrepreneurial successes of the First Lady of Moscow and her company does not receive any protection from the capital authorities .
	2. Tatarstan. Big family. Relatives of Tatarstan President Mintimer Shaimiev can be found in many leadership positions. Forbes magazine at one time assigned the president's youngest son Radik Shaimiev 91st place in the list of the richest Russians - primarily due to control over the TAIF holding, which contains stakes in the most successful enterprises of Tatarstan - Tatneft, Kazanorgsintez and many others. Another son of the president, Airat, recently headed the Tatavtodor company, which united all the road assets of the republic. The president's son-in-law on his sister's side is one of the managers of the Nizhnekamskshina plant, Russia's largest tire manufacturer, Shaimiev's nephew, Ilshat Fardiev, general director of OJSC Tatenergo. There are many other prosperous businessmen among Shaimiev’s relatives.
	3. Bashkiria. Father and son. The President of Bashkiria Murtaza Rakhimov and his son Ural do not have the warmest relations. That, however, until recently did not prevent the Urals from being the owner of a controlling stake in the six largest enterprises of the Bashkir fuel and energy complex. All of them were privatized in 2003, and, according to the Accounts Chamber, the state then missed 13 billion rubles from the sale of enterprises. The criminal case initiated after the inspection did not end in anything. Everything changed in 2005–2006. They say that Ural began to show political ambitions and on this basis quarreled with his father. Murtaza Rakhimov initiated the return of enterprises to state ownership. According to another version, Moscow, dissatisfied with the “family” privatization of the most profitable industry of the republic, put pressure on Rakhimov Sr. Today, Moscow arbitration courts returned control over the Bashneft and Bashkirenergo enterprises to the state.
	4. St. Petersburg. Mother and son. The son of Governor Valentina Matvienko, Sergei, declared himself as a successful entrepreneur relatively recently. He began to make a career in the banking business and in 2004 rose to the position of vice president of Vneshtorgbank (now VTB). Now he runs the VTB Capital company, which is implementing several ambitious real estate projects. In particular, it is building the “Embankment of Europe” complex (250 thousand sq. m of luxury housing). He had his own business in Estonia and even obtained a residence permit there, but completely curtailed all business after the scandal with the transfer of the Bronze Soldier. Sergey Matvienko is not alone in his interest in St. Petersburg real estate. The adopted son of Vice-Governor Yuri Molchanov, Andrei, heads the largest construction holding LSR Group, the Association of House Builders of St. Petersburg and bears the unofficial title of St. Petersburg construction oligarch.
	5. Oryol region. A family of bankers. According to the Oryol press, until recently, the wife of Governor Yegor Stroev and his brother-in-law Alexander Kustarev controlled the Oryol Social Bank through their companies. All the money of the Pension Fund was “transferred” through it; budgetary organizations and many large enterprises in the region kept accounts here. At the same time, the bank's management was distinguished by its ability to distribute loans to relatives of local officials and was in no hurry to demand money back. Thus, according to the Oryol News newspaper, the governor’s nephew Yuri Kureev did not return 815 thousand rubles to the bank. Some non-repaid loans amounted to tens of millions of rubles. The Stroev family is also credited with interests in the construction business. Politics do not go unnoticed either. Egor Stroev’s daughter Marina Rogacheva has been representing the Oryol region in the Federation Council for many years.

Maslov Viktor Nikolaevich, Representative from the legislative body of state power of the Smolensk region in the Federation Council of the Russian Federation, former Governor of the Smolensk region, former Head of the Administration of the Smolensk region, former head of the FSB Directorate for the Smolensk region.

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Svetlana Savenok

A person

And initially we planned to discuss with Viktor Maslov only one question: how did it happen that since 2009, one of the most important social functions - providing medicines to socially vulnerable citizens - was completely handed over to a St. Petersburg commercial structure? And although the “medicinal disaster” in the region happened two years after Maslov left the post of governor of the Smolensk region, we wanted to understand how true the stories (in the media, as well as from word of mouth) with the refrain “It’s all Maslov’s fault” are.

However, the conversation with the ex-governor, and now a member of the Federation Council from the Smolensk Regional Duma, significantly went beyond the scope of problems of drug supply.

— Viktor Nikolaevich, let’s start with a “tough” question: did the corporatization of the State Unitary Enterprise “Smolensk-Pharmacy” begin during your governorship?

- Absolutely right.

— So, after all, “Maslov is to blame”?

— I read similar essays on the Internet from time to time. And, frankly speaking, let all the lies and fabrications remain, if not on the conscience, then on the professional reputation of these journalists. And if we return to the topic of conversation that you outlined, I’ll explain. Yes, the corporatization of the State Unitary Enterprise “Smolensk-Pharmacia” was carried out by the “Maslov administration”. In 2004, we took this step because without investing in this enterprise, the drug supply system in the region could have collapsed. This step was simply necessary. Firstly, the State Unitary Enterprise “Smolensk-Pharmacia” was bankrupt at that time. To keep pharmacies open and stocked with medicines, investments were needed. The budget of the region this most acute problem at that time [ drug provision — ed.] I couldn’t decide. And then 49 percent of the company’s shares were put up for sale, and then another 24 percent. But the administration retained a blocking stake - we understood that this was a strategically important aspect in the process of attracting investments into Pharmacia. For us, this issue was fundamental, since only if such a condition was met, the administration of the Smolensk region retained real control over the activities of the newly formed Smolensk-Pharmacia OJSC and had the opportunity to influence the strategic decisions of the OJSC - from the appointment or removal of the head of the enterprise to issues of supply of medicines (including issues of purchase prices, list of necessary drugs under the DLO program, etc.). In all these matters, without the consent of the regional administration, the investor - "North-West" - could not make independent decisions. And I will say that then, under such conditions, which we strictly regulated, North-West worked with the region quite constructively. And most importantly, Smolensk-Pharmacia developed successfully.

— By the way, I remembered that at that time this enterprise even implemented social projects, in particular, there was an action to computerize the workplaces of medical personnel in the hospital for war veterans at the expense of Smolensk-Pharmacy... So where did the problems come from?

— As for the current situation, I will say the following: the strategic mistake that Antufiev’s team made was the loss by the regional administration of a blocking stake in Smolensk-Pharmacia OJSC. Thus, the regional administration has lost the opportunity to influence even the adoption of particularly important decisions, including when an enterprise carries out financially intensive transactions for the purchase of medicines. I repeat, the main, key mistake is that all this was completely handed over to “Smolensk-Pharmacy”, and in fact to “North-West”. The agreement that was signed by the administration essentially contains signs of a crime, and it caused great damage to the region’s budget. I’m not even talking about the moral side of the issue, since we are talking about the supply of vital drugs.

— How do you assess the situation, will Governor Ostrovsky be able to reduce prices for medicines in the Smolensk region, even if not to make them the lowest in the Central Federal District, as he intended, but at least to equalize them with the average for the district?

— You wrote correctly, the main thing in this issue is the presence of political will. Alexey Vladimirovich, as I understand it, has it. Of course, North-West will not voluntarily give up its position, and as long as there is an opportunity, this company will work for its own profit, as any commercial structure would do. There is only one way out - it is necessary to create competition in the market for the purchase, supply and sale of medicines. Then North-West will either have to change its commercial strategy in the Smolensk region or leave the region. Yes, changing the situation will be very difficult; you won’t be able to do it in a week or two (or even in a couple of months).

— Viktor Nikolayevich, we are now discussing this problem with drug provision, recalling the history of the issue, assessing the possibility of solving it... Isn’t there a feeling of some nostalgia for the gubernatorial powers?

- Absolutely not. As they correctly say in China, you don’t step into the same river twice. After all, I quite sincerely said at a meeting of the regional Duma that by the end of my governor’s term (and I happened to stay in this position longer than the others (Glushenkov, Prokhorov and Antufiev) - five years and seven months) there was no longer any movement forward. I understood that the main task for which I went to the elections - breaking the bond between the authorities and crime that was taking place at that time - I had completed. And, frankly speaking, the inner fervor was gone. Maybe just because of the feeling of lack of forward movement. I am an FSB general, so my current work in the Federation Council [ Deputy Chairman of the Federation Council Committee on Defense and Security — ed.] is definitely closer to me. Therefore, there are absolutely no nostalgic notes for the previous position. Nevertheless, I am not at all indifferent to what is happening in the Smolensk region, and here in the region I work very closely, including on appeals from Smolensk residents, of which my reception receives a lot. I already said, I think, in an interview with your magazine that I do not intend to lose ties with the region. Therefore, I consider my work in the Federation Council only in conjunction with work in the region (solving problems in the region and working on appeals from Smolensk residents).

— If we are talking about your work in the upper house of parliament, we cannot ignore the adopted law on the return of gubernatorial elections. Yes, direct elections are coming back. But here's the filter...

— As for my position, it is this: the most effective filter is the party filter. If a party is responsible, it will nominate truly worthy candidates. In my opinion, this kind of “party” filter is the most reliable, because here we are talking about the reputation of parties. And I think there is absolutely nothing wrong with the fact that EVERY party will have the opportunity to nominate its candidates. Why create artificial obstacles, escalating the situation and thereby increasing the opposition's ratings?

— Ultimately, the “presidential filter” for candidates went into oblivion. However, a municipal filter appeared. But in essence, this is a rigid filter. Do you agree?

- Absolutely agree. This is a very tough filter. I will say more, there are signs of a certain corruption component in this filter. But I believe this is just a stage in the development of our democracy (this, you know, is how some people enter cold water gradually, “so that the body gets used to it”). We probably have to go through this too.

- Yes. I initially spoke out and voted against the “filter,” when a certain group of people, based on information received from someone, would make a decision whether to allow a candidate to participate in the elections or not. Ultimately, common sense won, this idea was abandoned and, in my opinion, they moved to a more liberal scheme. And yes, I voted for this option (with a municipal filter).

- But you just noted that there is a corruption component in it, and it even seemed that this option, as they say, did not sit well with you. Why are you still in favor?

— Because it was necessary to adopt the law on gubernatorial elections. Yes, today there is this point in the law, which personally does not quite suit me. But overall, the law is necessary and very relevant.

— Is this issue generally discussed in the Federation Council, or does everyone carry their dissatisfaction with the presence of filtration as a barrier to the democratic election procedure “to themselves”?

— Of course, this issue is being discussed, and quite heated discussions are taking place on this issue; a working commission was created to consider it. That is, there was no unanimous agreement. I repeat once again: we proceeded from the fact that the law needed to be adopted.

- It was necessary to take it urgently. So?

- Yes, it was dictated by the political situation, I’m not opening America here, this is an obvious thing. The need to adopt this law ripened from below, and it was impossible not to respond to this demand. This is exactly one of those cases when a law is adopted based on the emerging political situation.

— Viktor Nikolaevich, now you have begun to take part in literally every meeting of the regional Duma, and in general one gets the impression of “Maslov’s political activation.” And there is a feeling that this is connected with the resignation of Sergei Antufiev.

“I don’t want to comment in detail on the actions of Mr. Antufiev. Therefore, I will be brief: during the period of his leadership of the region, in my opinion, “political isolation” of the “undesirable” was actively practiced. And Antufiev, in the shortest possible time, managed to oppose himself to almost the entire main cross-section of the region’s political elite. All this practice ultimately turned against Antufiev himself. Look what happened in the administration: the people of Smolensk began to simply “uproot” themselves from power. After all, it was during his governorship that there was a massive recruitment of unknown “Varangians” into the administration. Remember, this never happened before—neither under Glushenkov, nor under Prokhorov, nor under Maslov. There were only five vice-governors on my team. All Smolensk residents, everyone was known and understood by the population (there was one short experiment, but I quickly corrected the situation). It’s impossible to count how many visiting “specialists” served as vice-governors of the Smolensk region under Antufiev. We also see the result of the trend of that time - “there are no Smolensk residents on whom the governor can rely”: these are colossal problems with the budget, there are a lot of projects and not a single completed case.

— Another issue that is hushed up at the federal level, but is literally “seething” at the regional level: the situation inside the regional branch of United Russia. How do you rate it?

- How extremely negative. The situation is fraught with a complete loss of the party’s rating, so it must be corrected urgently, since we are on the threshold of very important political events in the life of our region. It won't be possible to fix it without radical measures. And this, as I understand it, is obvious to everyone.

— Alexey Ostrovsky’s commentary on the situation in the regional office of ER caused a great resonance. On the one hand, Alexey Vladimirovich is a member of the LDPR, on the other hand, he is the governor, and is responsible not only for the socio-economic situation in the region, but also for the political one...

“We must pay tribute to Alexey Vladimirovich that he took this step, knowing full well what kind of reaction might follow. However, “turning a blind eye” to what is happening and pretending that nothing is happening is a dead end. Therefore, in my opinion, he is taking the right steps, because “United Russia” cannot be discounted; the majority of the population still supports this particular party. Accordingly, Ostrovsky is interested in it working more efficiently and helping solve the problems of the Smolensk region. And problems can only be solved by uniting the entire political potential of the region. In this situation, the governor acts absolutely logically.

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Another victory for the FSB

The government has changed in the Smolensk region. Following the results of the gubernatorial elections, the region was headed by the head of the regional department of the FSB, Viktor Maslov. 41% of voters voted for him. The current communist governor Alexander Prokhorov scored 36%
link: http://compromat.ru/page_ 11814.htm

How the Kremlin employs retired governors

The issue of further employment of former regional heads becomes extremely relevant in 2010, when the powers of a number of governors expire, including many politicians of Yeltsin’s call. One of the most popular options for solving the problem is to send the former head of the region to the Federation Council. The senators from their regions were the former head of the Oryol region Egor Stroev, the ex-governor of the Krasnodar region Nikolai Kondratenko, the former head of the Samara region Konstantin Titov, the former head of the Voronezh region Vladimir Kulakov, the ex-governor of the Smolensk region Viktor Maslov, the former president of North Ossetia Alexander Dzasokhov, the former President of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) Mikhail Nikolaev.
link: http://compromat.ru/page_ 28854.htm

All in the family

“The investigators of the Smolensk FSB Directorate today are like fools with lathered necks. They opened a high-profile case, conducted an investigation, but they cannot finish it and transfer the materials to the court. Because they are not allowed to go beyond certain buoys,” the former deputy chief of the Smolensk police, Anatoly Semtsov, is not short of frankness and courage. He even makes an appointment at a cafe a two-minute walk from the FSB building, although those same ill-fated investigators often come here. And “behind the buoys,” according to the retired policeman, are the former governor of the Smolensk region Viktor Maslov and members of his family: his wife, daughter and son-in-law. All of them are in one way or another involved in criminal cases, clearly demonstrating how the principle of nepotism operates even in the poorest regions of Russia.
link: http://www.compromat.ru/page_ 22696.htm

Full offshore

The Smolensk and Novgorod plants only asked Khodorkovsky to enter into direct contracts with Apatit, bypassing offshore intermediaries, who, according to their statements, “inflate prices by almost three times compared to production costs.” The chemists' demands were supported by the governors of the Novgorod and Smolensk regions, Mikhail Prusak and Viktor Maslov. The head of the Smolensk region, FSB General Viktor Maslov then called the actions of Apatit “economic terrorism.”
link: http://kompromat.flb.ru/material.phtml?id=7055

VIKTOR MASLOV: “LIFE ITSELF DICTATES THE NEED FOR THE UNIFICATION OF BELARUS AND RUSSIA”

Tomorrow the thirty-sixth session of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Union of Belarus and Russia opens in Moscow, at which the draft budget for 2010 will be discussed. Parliamentarian of the Union State, member of the Federation Council Viktor Maslov is confident in the need to deepen and expand the economic integration of Russia with fraternal Belarus.
“The creation of the Union State is a requirement of our life. It was not us who came up with and are promoting this idea, but life itself dictates the need to create and strengthen the Union of Belarus and Russia,” said Viktor Maslov, answering the question about the viability of the idea of ​​​​creating a single state.
link: http://council.gov.ru/inf_ps/ chronicle/2009/11/item11029. html

Victor Maslov: A lot has been done through common efforts

Senator Maslov informed the deputies of the regional Duma about specific documents developed for these purposes. In particular, these are bills such as: “On amendments to certain legislative acts of the Russian Federation on the establishment of labor pensions” (on providing spouses of military personnel undergoing military service under a contract, as well as spouses of employees of diplomatic missions of the Russian Federation and international organizations the right to an increase in pension in terms of including in the insurance period periods of residence in places where they could not work due to lack of employment opportunities, and periods of residence outside the territory of the Russian Federation)
link: http://www.smolgazeta.ru/ public/310-viktor-maslov- obshhimi-usiliyami-sdelano-ochen.html

Victor Maslov: The Smolensk region is able to provide itself with building materials

Governor of the Smolensk region Viktor Maslov made a working trip to the Gnezdovo brick factory. In February of this year, the company emerged from the bankruptcy management procedure, and OJSC Smolenskoblgrazhdanstroy became its new owner.
link: http://www.i-stroy.ru/docu/smolenskaya_oblast/viktor_ maslov_smolenschina_sposobna_ obespechit_s/6131.html

Turnout defect: Smolensk and Yaroslavl were “cleaned out” of governors, Krasnodar got off with smaller officials

On Monday, deputies of the Smolensk Regional Duma approved the leader of the local United Russia, Sergei Antufiev, as governor of the Smolensk region. He was supported by 44 deputies, two against. On December 14, the former governor of the Smolensk region, FSB General Viktor Maslov, resigned due to the low results of United Russia.
link: http://www.svobodanews.ru/content/article/427696.html

Smolensk region on the verge of change

Exactly a week ago it became known that Governor Viktor Maslov did not refuse the mandate of a deputy of the regional Duma, which he received as number one on the United Russia party list. On Wednesday evening, information appeared that he had appealed to the president of the country with a request to relieve him of his duties as governor in connection with his election as a deputy of the Smolensk Regional Duma. On Friday morning, an hour before the start of the first meeting of the new regional legislative body, United Russia deputies, who had not yet united into a faction, were the first to learn not only that the governor had resigned, but also that President Putin had accepted it.
link: http://dlib.eastview.com/browse/doc/13205404

Victor Maslov: Smolensk, being a border region, remains a “strategic bridge” between Russia and the West

Smolensk, being a border region, remains a “strategic bridge” between Russia and the West. This was stated by the governor of the Smolensk region, Viktor Maslov, at the inauguration ceremony held today in Smolensk. Maslov was elected by the Regional Duma to the post of governor unanimously on the proposal of the President of the Russian Federation.
link: http://www.fcinfo.ru/themes/basic/materials-document.asp? folder=1446&matID=72248

“So as not to confuse God with Van Gogh...”

Back in May 2003, the governor of the Smolensk region, Viktor Maslov, signed a cooperation agreement with the Smolensk and Kaliningrad diocese of the Russian Orthodox Church. Soon all regional schools began to teach the subject “History of Orthodox culture of the land of Smolensk.” Today in the Smolensk region, 16 thousand schoolchildren study defense and industrial complex in 450 public schools under the guidance of 500 teachers. The church approved the regional textbook.
link: