The Yaroslavl region is one of the most politically active Russian regions, where gubernatorial elections will be held in the fall. In 2012, Yevgeny Urlashov, an open opponent of United Russia, was elected mayor here, and in 2013, Boris Nemtsov became a deputy of the regional Duma. Yaroslavl has a good reputation with election observers and consistently votes poorly for United Russia. With the new acting governor, security official Dmitry Mironov, frosts have begun in the region, but it has not yet been possible to completely cement the Yaroslavl political life.

Elusive interim

— Elections? And when will they be? Mironov will probably be there? Kirill, a student of the Faculty of Physics at YarSU, is puzzled by my question. He likes Dmitry Mironov: - I see what he is doing for the region, according to the news. He came to my village, there was some kind of meeting. But in order to openly communicate with him - ​this was not the case - ​it is felt that Kirill would like direct communication with the governor.

Acting Governor Dmitry Mironov, KGB and FSO officer, former Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs, has little contact even with those with whom he is forced to work: Yaroslavl deputies and officials complain that the governor almost never attends meetings of the Yaroslavl Regional Duma, he does not hold meetings with the heads of municipalities, and when they see him, he speaks exclusively on paper. Yaroslavl residents are not used to such closeness of the first person: the former governors Anatoly Lisitsyn, Sergey Vakhrukov and Sergey Yastrebov were from the Yaroslavl region, lived in the city, went to work on foot. Dmitry Mironov comes to work by car from a suburban base, where, they say, FSO officers always used to stay during high-ranking visits.

“When Lisitsyn was governor, he gathered the heads of districts every week, the heads of settlements - 80 of them - every month. Now there is no dialogue,” notes Oleg Vinogradov, the new head of the Yaroslavl branch of Yabloko. - Mironov does not meet with anyone, neither with the deputies, nor with the heads. I drove through 30 municipalities - ​there is devastation. There is no sewerage in the administrations of the settlements, there is a hole in the floor in the toilet - ​it's a shame in the 21st century. Fences are painted over in Yaroslavl, pedestrian crossings are painted yellow, and roads are potholes.”

“If the governor had not come to the Duma meeting on an important issue earlier, the deputies would have dispersed, saying: we will not consider the issue until the first person comes. Now third or fourth persons are coming, and everyone is silent,” says United Russia Pavel Isaev, vice speaker of the Yaroslavl Regional Duma. — We are seeking meetings with the governor, but it is very difficult. For a year there was only one meeting with a thought management. Previously, the governor handed out his cell phone to everyone, any deputy could dial him at least at night. Now there is no dialogue in principle - there are “happy” deputies who always agree with what the governor brings in.”

Dmitry Mironov was in the Yaroslavl Regional Duma three times: when he was just appointed, when he himself appointed the head of government, and when he reported on the work done for the year on June 6.

“Even talking to people is hard for him. When the governor’s report was in the regional Duma, all the deputies sent their questions in advance, but we did not send them,” says the leader of the Yaroslavl communists, Alexander Vorobyov. - ​But my question was calculated there, and I have information that they wrote an answer to him ( Alexander Vorobyov asked the governor why he invited so many Muscovite officials and did not rely on local personnel. — Ed.). He could not find this answer in a pile of papers and said something indistinctly. Previously, we received all the answers that we sent to the governor signed by the governor, but now, at best, some deputy chairman of the government.”

The Novaya correspondent was also not lucky enough to talk to the acting governor during a business trip to Yaroslavl: when asked about the interview, the press service said that Mironov would not be in the city, and they could not arrange a conversation with anyone from the government either.

Great Varangian Revolution

Dmitry Mironov was appointed Acting Governor of the Yaroslavl Region a little less than a year ago. He brought with him a team of officials from the Moscow region and almost completely replaced the managerial class in the region with them. The personnel policy and the current management of the region were taken over by the new Prime Minister Dmitry Stepanenko - ​like Dmitry Mironov, an officer of the FSO, a graduate of the Moscow Higher Combined Arms Command School.

Before becoming prime minister in the Yaroslavl region, Stepanenko served as minister of agriculture in the Moscow region. Dmitry Stepanenko brought his former advisers to the position of deputies - ​Maxim Avdeev, Roman Kolesov and Valery Kholodov, his former deputy Ekaterina Troitskaya, an employee of the secretariat Yuri Valdaev.

Soon after the arrival of the new governor, the leadership of the main municipalities changed, and Muscovites appeared here too: the former head of Kraskov near Moscow, Vladimir Volkov, headed the city of Pereslavl-Zalessky, and Alexei Konstantinov, who also graduated from the Moscow Higher Combined Arms Command School, became the head of the Rostov region.

Vitaly Tkachenko, a former top manager of the Olympic construction and structures of Novatek, became another deputy prime minister. Oleg Zakharov, an employee of the Central Election Commission, who participated in organizing the Crimean referendum, was appointed head of the electoral committee. Rank-and-file officials came along with the new chiefs, and it is already difficult to calculate how many "Varangians" came to the region: someone calls the figure 180 people, someone - 250. The composition of entire departments of the government and the Yaroslavl mayor's office has changed, and the territorial election commissions have been updated.

Some officials did not take root in their new positions: the new mayor of Yaroslavl, Vladimir Sleptsov, who also owes his position to Mironov and Stepanenko, has already replaced the heads of departments who came with him several times in less than a year. Sleptsov, a former policeman and then city hall official, has been the head of the administration of Khimki for the past few years - from there he took several leaders with him when he returned to the mayor's office of Yaroslavl already as head.

“The first group [of officials] in the housing and communal services, already when they were fired, exhaled, they said: “In the Moscow region, everything has been rebuilt along the municipal line. You sit down in a position, and everyone immediately comes to you and carries, and you have to create everything from scratch, ”says a deputy of the regional Duma, who asked not to be named. - One person sat down as the director of municipal baths. The first tenant came to meet him. He tells him: “You make a million, then we will say hello and get to know each other.” But the bath attendants raised such a storm that they put him in jail. (Sergey Lapshinov became the head of MUP Volna in October 2016, but he had not worked even three months before he was convicted of taking bribes by Novaya.) There are always bribes in municipal enterprises, but there has never been such impudence.”

The heads of regulatory departments have also changed in the region. The regional prosecutor was dismissed by the president's decision along with a party of regional security officials who lost their posts in June.

The head of the Yaroslavl OFAS was fired in April - this was due to the fact that the antimonopoly officials did not meet the new executive authorities: they canceled the results of several road tenders and were openly against the introduction of a new single settlement center for housing and communal services "YarOblLEIRTS", requiring a 3.9% commission for mediation , which many in Yaroslavl considered an undisguised tribute to the Moscow founders. In addition, confusion began with receipts: some received two payments at once, while others simply did not understand why the tariff had changed. Nevertheless, slowly but surely, the region is moving towards payments to the new structure.

“Before, everyone was from Yaroslavl, everyone knew each other, somehow everyone found ways to interact and promote their own interests. Now it’s impossible to agree, because there is a feeling that a Moscow team has come, they don’t perceive the Yaroslavl team at all - this is a hostile environment for them, ”says Yevgeny Golubev, a Yaroslavl-based sociologist. - Everyone understands that the Moscow team came for at least one term, Mironov will win the election, this is beyond doubt, no one wants to quarrel openly. There is hidden dissatisfaction within many elite groups, but no one will go into open conflict: they do not want to get involved. After all, Mironov is an amazing person: he does not decide anything, the chairman of the government decides.

Yaroslavl State Duma deputy from A Just Russia Anatoly Greshnevikov, on the contrary, is very pleased with the new governor and his team: “They came, engaged in personnel purge, removed a huge number of those officials from government bodies who over the past ten years have destroyed both politics and civil society , underestimated the turnout in the elections. I meet with them every week, we solve a huge number of issues, I am in good contact with the governor and with Prime Minister Stepanenko. We have wonderful dialogues for an hour, two. Stepanenko is young and enterprising. We talk to him - he immediately recruits the minister, immediately recruits the prosecutor's office. He solves each complaint right on the spot, without leaving. I like this style of work!”

“Everyone expected that a person like Mironov would come, but no one expected that with such assistants,” a former housing and communal services official, who was forced to resign with the arrival of a new governor, shared with Novaya Gazeta. “And now people say: it seems that they didn’t live so badly!”

The collapse of the legendary Pashiks

The president's personal trust is perhaps the main trump card of the new interim governor. “Mironov has access to the body, he can take and call [the president],” says the leader of the Yaroslavl communists, Alexander Vorobyov. - As far as I know, our antimonopolists were removed on a personal call from Mironov - without any presidential administrations! But he won’t steer the region on a call!”

The governor has good relations with Attorney General Yury Chaika: in April he held an All-Russian conference in Yaroslavl on protecting the rights of entrepreneurs. And in the fall, the son of the Prosecutor General, businessman Igor Chaika, established the Charitable Foundation "Center for Social Initiatives of the Yaroslavl Region" in the region. What kind of initiatives the fund is engaged in is not yet clear. On Easter, he brought the Holy Fire from Jerusalem to Yaroslavl. There are rumors in the local United Russia party that the center is the campaign fund of Dmitry Mironov.

According to various interlocutors of Novaya Gazeta, initially the region was waiting for such an appointment. The former governor, Sergei Yastrebov, was considered by many to be a dependent politician who was influenced by more active and ambitious members of the elite. Mironov was expected to "put things in order" and to receive federal money.

“Everyone was waiting for Yastrebov to be replaced, and many were waiting for him to be replaced with a Muscovite – such conversations have been around for a long time,” says Anton Golitsyn, editor of the Yaroslavl editorial office of the Regnum agency and deputy of the municipality of Yaroslavl from the Communist Party. “But it was associated with putting things in order, with clear rules of the game. Under a weak governor, some people believed that politics in the region was led by people who should not be in charge.”

“People who should not lead,” part of the Yaroslavl elite considered the top of the local “United Russia”: deputies of the regional Duma Ilya Osipov (former secretary of the regional branch of the party, last year went to the State Duma for promotion), Ilya Kruglov and Pavel Isaev, deputy governor for internal politics Yuri Boyko, as well as the former head of the Yaroslavl municipality Pavel Zarubin. Ilya Kruglov is the head of the Avangard group of companies, which is engaged in almost everything in the region: construction, pharmaceuticals, cafes, pharmacies, shops, cinemas, food production. People from Avangard form the main group of influence in Yaroslavl politics - it produced, for example, the former acting. Mayor of Yaroslavl Alexei Malyutin.

Pavel Zarubin and Pavel Isaev are a tandem of United Russia political technologists who, according to popular belief, until recently had a great influence on the outcome of any elections in the region. The deputies even received a common nickname - ​Pashiki - and became an almost legendary phenomenon of Yaroslavl politics. It was this tandem that coordinated all the main campaigns of the Yaroslavl United Russia members and held in their hands the electoral machines that ensured the victory of the “necessary” candidates from United Russia in elections at any level, from intra-party primaries to the regional parliament.

The fact is that the Yaroslavl election commissions are known for their cleanliness. “They looked more decent than other regions, the last chairman of the regional electoral committee was adequate, there were no high-profile scandals,” says Grigory Melkonyants, deputy executive director of the Golos association. “This is the result of the overall development of civil society in the region, there is a fairly competitive environment there.”

“In the last 5-6 years, the results of elections [in the Yaroslavl region] have never been drawn,” says Yaroslavl-based sociologist Yevgeny Golubev. Under these conditions, the desired result for United Russia was provided by mobilization networks in which the required number of voters had to be agitated or bribed by specially hired foremen. The system works with low turnout and conscientious foremen. Since Zarubin and Isaev control these mobilization networks, many Yaroslavl deputies owe them their victory, Yaroslavl observers told Novaya Rossiya and confirmed United Russia, which participated in the spring primaries before the municipal elections. Pavel Isaev, when asked by Novaya, whether this is true, replied: “I don’t understand what you are talking about.”

“They were the main political technologists, the main “distributors”: they interacted with all elite groups to one degree or another - such internal diplomats who, using different contradictions, different interests, found interaction between these groups - ​clever, effective political managers" , - says Evgeny Golubev. But the new government did not need such managers, and even with their own interests, and soon received "black marks".

Yuriy Boyko was dismissed - now the government, in principle, does not have a vice-governor responsible for domestic policy. Pavel Zarubin was deprived of his mandate after the prosecutor's office discovered a garage inherited from his father and not listed in the declaration. Pavel Isaev still retains both the mandate and the position of vice-speaker of the regional Duma, but the United Russia campaign is no longer in control.

Ilya Osipov lost his seat in the General Council of United Russia and control over the party in the Yaroslavl region: although the deputy still coordinates the work of United Russia in the Yaroslavl, Kostroma, Ivanovo and Tver regions, the election of Dmitry Mironov will be personally supervised by Sergei Neverov.

Boulevard of the Invictus

Yaroslavl political life was quite lively until recently. Anatoly Ivanovich Lisitsyn, governor of the region from 1991 to 2007, and now a senator, is considered the founder of local democratic traditions - in Yaroslavl he is called the respectful, well-known abbreviation AIL. The diplomatic Lisitsyn was replaced by Sergei Vakhrukov, a much tougher and more authoritarian leader. Yaroslavl residents did not appreciate the “strong hand”: in 2011, United Russia received one of the lowest results in the country here, not even gaining 30%, and Yabloko accelerated to 4.8%. In 2012, when opposition candidate Yevgeny Urlashov appeared in the mayoral elections in Yaroslavl, he defeated United Russia member Yakov Yakushev with a crushing score of 69.7% against 27.8%.

Urlashov, emboldened by the victory and support of Mikhail Prokhorov, gathered perhaps the most efficient branch of the Civic Platform in history and prepared to run for governor. Thousands of citizens came to the “Rally against crooks and thieves” on June 19, 2013 on the main square of Yaroslavl, Urlashov’s speech that United Russia is the most corrupt party, but the crooks in Yaroslavl will not succeed, was greeted with applause. And less than a month later, Urlashov was detained, accused of extorting bribes.

But the governor Vakhrukov did not sit in his place either. In the opinion of many, on the wave of protest, Urlashov could well have won the gubernatorial election, and the ominous image of the “people's mayor”, who turned all the protest against the party and government, still frightens the local elite. Before the upcoming gubernatorial elections, maximum precautions were taken so that none of those who “could repeat” would reach registration.

In 2013, RPR-PARNAS went to the elections to the regional Duma with Boris Nemtsov at the head of the list. The party received one mandate, and Boris Nemtsov suddenly appeared on the Yaroslavl political arena. The politician exposed abuses in public procurement, demanded the resignation of the new governor Sergei Yastrebov. “When Nemtsov entered, he simply crushed people with his federal fame alone. It was very interesting to watch the deputy chairmen of the government, how they were sweating when he asked them questions,” says Sergey Balabaev, deputy of the regional duma and candidate for governor from PARNAS. February 27, 2015 and this short era in the history of Yaroslavl ended.

Socio-political life here is still not completely cemented by the new government. Only one PARNAS mandate remains in the regional Duma (now it belongs to Boris Nemtsov's former assistant Vasily Tsependa), but the main parliamentary opposition is the Communist Party faction and its highly authoritative leader Alexander Vorobyov. There is also a certain amount of life and fresh air in the media sphere: there is a small branch of Ekho Moskvy, opposing elite groups squabble in the local anonymous telegram channels YarPolitika and Urlashov's Dreams - the first, according to rumors, is associated with Zarubin and Isaev , and the second - with the city hall of Yaroslavl hostile to them.

The headquarters of Alexei Navalny in Yaroslavl has opened and exists without much hindrance: the first meeting with volunteers took place in the large hall of the local fashion cinema club "Oil", about 300 people came. Now the headquarters is peacefully working in a small room in the center of Yaroslavl. Before the Saturday rally on July 8, as well as throughout Russia, circulations of propaganda products disappeared in Yaroslavl: activists simply could not get them at the Delovye Linii terminal, newspapers and leaflets had already been confiscated. But, unlike the Moscow and some other headquarters, there were no searches or arrests. According to the head of the headquarters, Elena Lekiashvili, in Yaroslavl, as elsewhere, the oppositionists are denied approval of places for cubes under the pretext that everything is occupied.

In four days in Yaroslavl, I see three political actions on the street, two of which are part of presidential campaigns: a collection of signatures in support of Yabloko’s campaign against the war in Syria “Time to return home” (the beginning of the presidential campaign of Grigory Yavlinsky), a cube in support of the nomination of Alexei Navalny for the presidency and the collection of signatures against the replacement of cast-iron fences on Pervomaisky Boulevard. Police are not visible at any of the pickets, no one is being detained.

The plan of the new mayor to change the cast-iron fences on Pervomaisky Boulevard and replace them with steel ones caused a real scandal in the city. Unlike Moscow, Yaroslavl is not yet accustomed to the wave of fresh improvement initiatives that the new authorities have brought from the capital region. Temporary trading chalets on the embankment, an attempt to make the biggest pancake (pancakes were collected from all schools, but then they had to be thrown away), the installation of flower installations in the shape of hearts on the central boulevard (Yaroslavl residents compare them with another part of the body) - all this with tired skepticism would have been accepted in Moscow, but for Yaroslavl this is still nonsense.

When city deputy Anton Golitsyn announced on his Facebook that the mayor's office was going to replace the cast-iron fences of Pervomaisky Boulevard, installed seven years ago, with metal ones, there was such a commotion that the mayor's office was forced to hold a round table with the public, and then partially cancel their plans: the fences will be replaced, but not everywhere, and the boulevard will be left alone.

“This is a small component of the general style of work of the new mayor’s office, when, without consultation with people, they first arrange the largest pancake in the country, then you need to make the longest scarf, and so on – this is a window dressing that has come to the city,” says Alexander Vorobyov, standing at the red tent of the Communist Party: the Communists collect signatures against the replacement of fences.

A grandmother in jeans and a sports vest comes up to Vorobyov and asks: how to do it so as not to choose Mironov? The communist in response is interested in: who do you want?

“Why do we need another Muscovite? Everything has already been given to Moscow. And where do we have benefits like in Moscow? Another pensioner joins in. - The zombie is taking over! I already tell people at work, I say: “You take money, but do not vote for United Russia! No one will come into the cabin for you!

And the 20-year-old accountant Yulia of the acting governor likes:

“He came to our area, he has answers to all questions.

In the first hour, the Communists easily collect several hundred signatures - the activists of Yabloko and Navalny can only envy such a pace. By and large, few people here are interested in elections yet, but pressing city problems mobilize society quickly. At the same time, city authorities have less and less authority to solve such problems: the new regional administration is actively taking resources from municipalities. Among the most painful losses are the abolition of direct elections of the mayor of Yaroslavl and the transfer of the Yaroslavl Vodokanal to the jurisdiction of the region.

Political institutions that had a real influence on the state of affairs in the region are rapidly losing it under the new governor. “Earlier, deputies of the regional duma had a certain influence on the budget. Now a deputy of the regional duma is nobody: they don’t give him anything, he can’t do anything,” says Anton Golitsyn. - [Requests] are refused: just no, that's all. Mechanisms stopped working.

Dissatisfaction with the new order is still deaf, but during Vladimir Putin's arrival in Yaroslavl, the communists went to Sovetskaya Square (near the regional administration) with a picket against Dmitry Mironov. "IN. Putin, you sent us the wrong one! We give it back,” one of the posters frankly said. There are rumors in the region that Mironov, who is accustomed to non-public work, is burdened by his post himself and expects further career growth after the presidential election. And Dmitry Stepanenko can take his place.

Elections with a filter, but without intrigue

In the Yaroslavl region, there could have been really competitive elections for the governor, but the possible intrigue was extinguished in advance: he changed his mind about putting forward his candidacy, State Duma deputy, Socialist-Revolutionary Anatoly Greshnevikov. One of the most popular public politicians in the region, he could compete with Dmitry Mironov. Back in the spring there were talks about the nomination of Greshnevikov, but then it became known that it would not take place, and in general no one from A Just Russia would claim the place of the Yaroslavl governor.

According to Kommersant, Greshnevikov's non-nomination was part of a complicated deal involving Karelian Socialist-Revolutionary leader Irina Petyalyeva—she, too, was not to run against recent presidential appointee Artur Parfenchikov and become a senator in return. The deal, however, did not take place. According to Greshnevikov, he was also offered a seat in the upper house, but he refused: "I was asked to go to the Federation Council, but I do not enter into such relations." And the Socialist-Revolutionary explains his refusal to be nominated by his unwillingness to compete with "Putin's friend."

“It would not be difficult for me to collect a sufficient number of signatures: we have a large representation in all municipal districts,” Greshnevikov told Novaya Gazeta. “We have calculated everything, prepared everything. But then Dmitry Yurievich Mironov was appointed from Moscow. There would be problems with the passage of the municipal filter, because this is a man of the Kremlin and a personal friend of Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin. An indication would have been given: they signed it wrong, they did it wrong. And an important factor is that I have established good friendly relations with him. They came, they did so much work in half a year, fighting corruption, with that unprofessional personnel policy that hit all regional and city departments. Therefore, we weighed everything: we do not pass the municipal filter, we have established good relations.”

As a result, in addition to Dmitry Mironov, communist Mikhail Paramonov, the leader of the Yaroslavl "Yabloko" Oleg Vinogradov, Sergey Balabaev from PARNAS, Andrei Vatlin from the Liberal Democratic Party and Kirill Panko from the "Communists of Russia" nominated for the elections. Everyone passed the municipal filter, except for Vinogradov. According to several Yaroslavl deputies of different levels and parties, the headquarters of the interim was collecting signatures for all candidates who were eventually allowed to run in the elections - in the Yaroslavl region, the standard technology of total signature collection was already used, which does not allow objectionable candidates to pass the municipal filter.

According to Oleg Vinogradov, it happened that deputies who wished to sign for him were not accepted by a notary, while signatures for other candidates were collected in a directive manner. “Some district leaders told me: “Tomorrow they will fire us and put Muscovites in the district if we don’t collect signatures for Mironov.” I don’t want these people to be removed,” says Yabloko. - The task of United Russia's political technologists, as I understand it, is for Mironov to compete with his shadow. But it was important for me to try.”

Oleg Vinogradov is a veteran of Yaroslavl politics, he competed in the gubernatorial elections with Lisitsyn, and then worked with him as a vice-governor. After there were several deputy terms in the regional duma, the post of adviser to the mayor Urlashov. Vinogradov was not allowed to participate in the last elections to the regional Duma in 2013: the Civic Platform list, headed by Urlashov, who was already imprisoned, did not pass registration, because the financial commissioner disappeared at the last moment. Vinogradov recently headed the local branch of Yabloko: before that, it was headed by the city deputy Vladimir Zubkov, but in Moscow they began to notice that the branch was not working as we would like, the powers of the branch were suspended, the leadership was re-elected.

Communist Alexander Vorobyov complained that his fellow party members were also interfered with the municipal filter: the signatures of some deputies of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation were "intercepted" by United Russia. “In general, in these elections it was surprising to me why they put spokes in the wheels. After all, the authorities objectively benefit from our participation in the elections. I know that they have been given the task of ensuring a turnout of at least 35% in Yaroslavl, and for this the elections must be of some interest. They did these machinations not to hinder us, but to block the way for Vinogradov. Maybe it’s inconvenient for them because everyone who was expelled from United Russia is now running to Yabloko, ”says Vorobyov. According to him, Vorobyov did not put forward his candidacy in the elections instead of the not-so-famous member of the same party, Mikhail Paramonov, because he is "not a business executive."

PARNAS candidate Sergey Balabaev became a local sensation - this is the first nominee of Kasyanov's party who was able to pass the municipal filter. According to several local deputies from United Russia, who asked not to be identified, Balabaev was assisted in collecting signatures by district administrations. Balabaev himself denies the help of United Russia, noting that until late at night he traveled around the municipalities, collecting signatures.

Sergei Balabaev has a rich political biography: in the early 2000s, he created Youth Unity in the region, then he quarreled with United Russia. When Yevgeny Urlashov created a branch of the Civic Platform in the region, Balabaev was elected from it to the regional Duma. In the 2016 State Duma elections, he ran for A Just Russia. According to Balabaev, he left the Socialist-Revolutionaries because he was tired of “sitting on the bench”, and spending his whole life in the regional Duma is not his dream.

“They ask me: will you smash Mironov? Why smash him? I believe that we needed another person, not from the authorities of the Yaroslavl region. Certain elites were formed, which, due to their organizational capabilities, are not able to offer anything, who were eating away the region. We are similar to Mironov, right? the opposition asks me.

Other candidates — Rybinsk Regional Duma deputy from the Communist Party Mikhail Paramonov, LDPR member Andrei Vatlin, and unemployed Kostroma resident Kirill Panko from the Communists of Russia — none of my interlocutors in Yaroslavl gives much chance of success. “If Greshnevikov and Vorobyov had gone to the polls, there would have been a second round, and the result could have been unpredictable,” Anton Golitsyn believes. “But they wouldn’t pass the municipal filter.”

“If the gubernatorial elections were today, Mironov would have more than 52%,” Yevgeny Golubev shares poll data from mid-June. - ​Greshnevikov could get 7-8%, Balabaev - 5%. A quarter of voters are undecided. But if something serious happens over the summer, swing the situation a little bit into the negative now, there will be a second round. To date, no one calculates what will happen in March. In our country, and so in the last elections, barely more than 50% voted for Putin. And if this time there are no more than 50, there will be organizational conclusions, and the elite will begin to shake again. By hook or by crook, they should gain more than 50%, but, in my opinion, they will not be able to do this by legal methods, and the president banned illegal ones in his elections. Now there is an overdose of information on Mironov - in all the media there is only Mironov, and it will just play to reduce turnout. There will be administrative mobilization, but they don’t turn out at one mobilization.”

“There is a very serious intrigue in the elections, not in who will become the governor, but in whether they will be able to make the required percentage,” Anton Golitsyn believes. - ​The number of mistakes made by both regional and municipal authorities, the number of people already personally negatively affected by them (the same receipts for housing and communal services) is already very high, a large part of the business is also affected, ordinary employees of the administration are dissatisfied. And everyone understands that Moscow bosses are above us, and we somehow got used to our own - ​bad, drunk, thieving, but our own. If in the remaining time it dawns on people that this is not an election, but some kind of referendum of confidence in the new government, and the candidate against the government is any candidate except Dmitry Mironov, then the results may be unexpected.”

“The general came, to walk in full formation - what good? And nothing else is offered,” says Oleg Vinogradov. - Yaroslavl is a city of free people, and thank God. The authorities still need to bring serfs from the Moscow region, they still need to replace the people in order to calmly cut money, and the people would be silent. But we won't give them that kind of joy."

The governor of the Yaroslavl region, Dmitry Mironov, is one of the most closed modern politicians, who prefers not to make public some periods of his official biography and facts of his personal life. Prior to his appointment to the post of head of the region, he worked in state security, was directly related to the protection and fought corruption in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In the region, a new man from Moscow was not immediately accepted, but in a year as an interim he managed to earn the trust of voters.

Childhood and youth

Dmitry Yurievich Mironov was born on October 13, 1968 in Khabarovsk. He comes from a family of hereditary military men. The grandfather of the future governor on the maternal side is the hero of the Great Patriotic War Timofey Karmatsky, who was awarded orders of the Patriotic War of I and II degrees, the Red Banner. In 1943, Mironov's ancestor received the title of Hero of the Soviet Union for the release of Grayvoron.

Dmitry Yuryevich's father is a master of sports and a well-known coach who devoted his life to the famous CSKA club. He held senior positions in the Sports Committee of the USSR Ministry of Defense, and now works as an adviser to the head of the FAU RF MO RF CSKA. The governor's mother is a kindergarten teacher. Dmitry has a brother Evgeny, presumably a businessman (the exact information is unknown).

Dmitry Yuryevich from childhood dreamed of continuing the military dynasty and after school he became a cadet of the Moscow Combined Arms Command School. The rank of lieutenant was awarded to him on Red Square.

Career and politics

About what Mironov was doing from 1990 to 2003, official sources report extremely sparingly. It is known that he served in the State Security Committee, after the collapse of the Soviet Union he moved to the FSB, and from there to the Federal Security Service. Details about positions and responsibilities in the media are not disclosed.

He himself, in an interview for Komsomolskaya Pravda, confirmed that it was at that time that he met Vladimir Putin. The main event of the hidden period of Mironov's biography was the receipt of the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, IV degree with swords (the addition of swords means that the recipient distinguished himself during the hostilities).

In 2013, Dmitry Yuryevich began a new career stage - service in the Ministry of Internal Affairs - from the post of assistant to the minister. A year later, he received the rank of major general of the police and headed the GUEBiPK, an organization dealing with combating corruption and economic security issues.

Just at that time, the department was shaken by a large-scale scandal related to the suspicion of 11 employees of falsifying evidence and bribery, and Mironov had to do a large-scale and difficult job to restore order in the institution and restore its reputation.

In 2015, Dmitry Yuryevich became Deputy Minister of the Interior and took up transport security issues. This area was new for him, but he quickly got used to it and became an initiative leader: proposals to expand the functions of traffic cameras, raise the price of OSAGO for persistent violators of traffic rules, allow the use of photos from smartphones as a basis for fines belong to him.

Colleagues speak of Mironov as a neat, cautious and modest person. He easily adapted to all new positions, and his name never appeared in scandalous stories and departmental intrigues. At the beginning of his career, Dmitry Yuryevich experienced uncertainty in communicating with large audiences and journalists, but gradually the politician got used to this side of the work.

The decision to appoint Mironov to the post of interim governor of the Yaroslavl region in 2016 came as a surprise to many. At first, Yaroslavl deputies and officials complained that the new head "does not make contact" - he rarely appears at meetings of the regional duma, communicates little with the heads of municipalities.

The media dubbed him the "summoned Varangian" and expressed fear that "heads would roll" in the region soon. This was confirmed: Dmitry Yuryevich replaced almost the entire old governor's team and "walked" through the rest of the departments, even reassigning the head physicians in district hospitals.

Then his appointment seemed temporary, but gradually the Yaroslavl people saw the vigor and "Moscow" assertiveness in the new governor and fully appreciated his ability to extract new resources for the region.

In the first half of 2017, the economy of the Yaroslavl region grew by a record 22%, some of the problems with long-term construction were resolved, a plant for the production of road equipment was saved from closure, the historical center of Yaroslavl, included in the UNESCO World Heritage List, was restored.

In the elections in 2017, Mironov, as a United Russia candidate, won 79.51% of the vote, leaving rivals from the local political elite far behind. On the whole, the electoral process then passed calmly and without intrigues: besides him, there were no noticeable contenders for the governor's seat.

Personal life

Nothing is known about this side of Mironov's life. To questions about whether he has a wife and children, the governor answers evasively. In an interview, he said that while his heart belongs to the work and the Yaroslavl region. Most likely, the politician is not married - the journalists made such a conclusion from the fact that there is no information about the spouse in the official declaration of income.

According to information from open sources, Mironov owns an apartment, a Mercedes car, a third of another smaller apartment, and 4 parking spaces. The declared income of Dmitry Yuryevich for 2017 amounted to 2.43 million rubles, which is 444 thousand less than in 2016.

The politician has official accounts in

Name: Dmitry Yurievich Mironov Date of birth: October 13, 1968 Place of birth: Khabarovsk Position: Governor of the Yaroslavl region

Childhood

Dmitry Mironov was born in the Far East. His maternal grandfather, Timofey Fedorovich Karmatsky, commanded a battery during the Great Patriotic War. In 1943 he was awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union during the liberation of the city of Grayvoron in the Belgorod region. Retired Colonel Timofey Karmatsky was also awarded the Orders of Lenin, the Red Banner, the Red Star and the Order of the Patriotic War, I and II degrees.

Father, Colonel Yuri Aleksandrovich Mironov, connected his life with the famous CSKA club. He became a master of sports, a coach, received the rank of colonel. For a long time he worked in senior positions in the Sports Committee of the USSR Ministry of Defense, and from 2003 to 2014 - in the All-Russian Voluntary Society "Sports Russia". Now Yuri Mironov is an adviser to the head of the FAU RF MO RF CSKA.

Mother, Tatyana Timofeevna, first worked in medical institutions, and then became a kindergarten teacher.

The Mironov family had two children, but only Dmitry continued the family military dynasty. Eugene, as his brother said much later, "minds his own business." How exactly - did not specify.

Education

Dmitry Yuryevich dreamed of a military career since childhood. He graduated from the Moscow All-Arms Command School named after the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR. The rank of lieutenant was awarded to him in a solemn atmosphere, on Red Square.

However, Mironov did not join the army. He became one of the officers of the State Security Committee. There was a year left before the collapse of the USSR.

Come out of the shadow

Since 1990, there has been a gap of 13 years in Mironov's biography. No details and positions, which is not surprising - he started in the KGB, then was enrolled in the FSB, and then moved to the Federal Security Service. It is believed that it was there that he met Vladimir Putin and served in his security (in a conversation with a Komsomolskaya Pravda correspondent, Dmitry Yuryevich actually confirmed this). It is only known that at some point he received the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, IV degree with swords (this award “with swords” is awarded to the military for distinction in hostilities).

"Comed out of the shadows" Mironov in 2013. He went to work in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, receiving the post of assistant to the Minister of Internal Affairs Vladimir Kolokoltsev.

Work in the Ministry of Internal Affairs

In February 2014, Mironov became the first deputy head of the Main Directorate of Criminal Investigation of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation and received the special rank of major general of police. A few months later, he headed the Main Directorate for Economic Security and Anti-Corruption (GUEBiPK).

At this time, the department was shaken by a scandal - the ex-head of the department Denis Sugrobov, his deputy Boris Kolesnikov and 11 other employees of the department were suspected of exceeding their official duties, suspended from service and taken under arrest. Subsequently, the court agreed with the opinion of the investigators that the officers falsified evidence of the criminal activity of this or that person and then demanded a bribe from them. The defendants were demoted and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment. Kolesnikov was found guilty posthumously - he fell out of the window of the building of the Investigative Committee.

Mironov had to return the administration to working condition and restore the reputation of the institution.

On September 1, Mironov joined the Interdepartmental Working Group on Combating Illegal Financial Transactions, in which he worked with representatives of the Security Council, the Prosecutor General's Office, the Investigative Committee, the FSB, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the tax service and customs services, the Federal Service for Drug Control, the Ministry of Finance, the Federal Financial Monitoring Service, the Ministry of Economic Development and the Central Bank .

traffic police and more

In December 2015, Mironov received the next post, becoming Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs. In this position, he mastered a new area for himself - transport security issues. He demonstrated his ability to quickly adapt to any new position by becoming one of the main speakers at the off-site meeting of the Presidium of the State Council of Russia chaired by Vladimir Putin, which was dedicated to road safety issues and was held on March 14, 2016.

Mironov proposed expanding the functionality of traffic cameras, increasing the cost of OSAGO for persistent violators, and allowing the use of photographs taken by citizens using smartphones to issue fines.

In parallel, Mironov became the executive secretary of the Working Group for Monitoring and Analysis of Law Enforcement Practice in the Sphere of Entrepreneurship. He was promoted to the rank of lieutenant general of the police.

As people who knew him told a Kommersant correspondent, Mironov is a very cautious and accurate person. No scandalous stories are associated with his name, he did not participate in departmental intrigues and kept aloof from the groups that took shape in the Ministry of the Interior.

At one time it was even rumored that Dmitry Yuryevich would replace Vladimir Kolokoltsev as head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. But the President decided otherwise. Mironov went "to civilian life."

Varangians arrived

The news that Dmitry Mironov will become acting governor of the Yaroslavl region came as a big surprise to both political scientists and the local elite. Colleagues believed that he could handle it, the Yaroslavl residents noted that they got the “Varangian” for the first time in the history of the region. Moreover, he quickly pulled up the same Vikings behind him, which was met with bewilderment.

Mironov had no experience in politics. They noted his fear of communicating with a large audience and journalists, wondered if heads would roll, and hoped that since a former presidential guard came to them, the region would receive more resources from the federal center.

Uglich garbage tied the governor-silovik and the son of the Prosecutor General Yuri Chaika.

An unusual order from above came in the past academic year to all schools and kindergartens in Yaroslavl. They were required to place on the stands next to the portraits of the president and prime minister a photo of Dmitry Mironov, recently appointed acting governor.

The scandal with the "cult of personality" had to be urgently leveled. The initiative was attributed exclusively to employees of the Department of Education, and its head was roughly punished by deprivation of office. However, the question of what it was in the first place - toadying or an unsuccessful attempt to "document" to consolidate the regime of authoritarian power in the region - remained open.

"occupation government"

While walking around the center of Yaroslavl, for a while, you get the feeling that you are on the streets of Moscow. Painfully familiar blocked sidewalks, on which workers from Central Asia induce "urbanism".

A complete show. Houses in the city are falling apart, facades are collapsing. What are the officials doing? Tiles are shifted from place to place, laundering budget money, - the former deputy is indignant. mayor of Yaroslavl, and now the leader of the local "Yabloko" Oleg Vinogradov.

He attributes the borrowing of capital improvement methods to the fact that about 200 officials from the Moscow region moved to the region to work in a year:

Mironov appointed Dmitry Stepanenko, his hunting and fishing friend, head of government. He filled the region with "Varangians". This is an occupying government.

Stepanenko, like Mironov himself, used to work in the FSO, but before being appointed to Yaroslavl, he managed to briefly be the Minister of Agriculture of the Moscow Region. Hence the appearance of non-local personnel in the region, including the former adviser to the governor - the son of Yuri Chaika. Dmitry Mironov himself was born in 1968 in Khabarovsk. He graduated from a military school, served in various positions in the bodies of state security and protection of the Russian Federation. Then he moved to the service in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, was an assistant to the head of the department. Almost nothing is known about the governor's personal life. Prior to his appointment as acting head of the region, he had no experience of participating in politics and working in the civil service.

All key positions in power were occupied by non-Yaroslavl people. And this choice is not clearly commented. In fact, some elites were simply replaced by others, - the local journalist Alexei Yakovlev also confirmed.

A well-known politician in the region, the former head of the municipality of Yaroslavl Pavel Zarubin, in an interview with Sobesednik, claims that the war between “local” and “non-local” has continued all year since the appointment of Mironov as acting governor:

In any case, this negatively affects the efficiency of work. There is a total replacement of all power - from top leaders to village chiefs even. Yaroslavl has always been famous for its democratic pluralism. It seems that the new head decided that it is easier to change people than mentality.

They remove everyone who is accustomed to the policy of agreements and compromises, and not to the execution of the command "fell - push up." In their place put those who are ready for clear submission.

With closed visor

Mironov is reproached for avoiding publicity. Having worked in law enforcement agencies almost all his life, he got used to a different political style. And even the proximity of a single voting day - September 10 - did not move him to openness.

There is almost no sharp and competitive election campaign in Yaroslavl. During the two days spent in the city, I noticed only one election billboard with a photo of Mironov. And this is a region that has always been famous for political battles! Suffice it to recall that Boris Nemtsov was a deputy of the regional Duma here, and Yevgeny Urlashov, who was later convicted, was elected mayor of Yaroslavl, who refused to join United Russia. On the other hand, as for the Yaroslavl Yabloko, it once included Elena Mizulina and Sergey Vakhrukov.

In fact, now is not an election, but a referendum. High or low voter turnout will show the degree of trust in Mironov, says Pavel Zarubin.

Journalist Yakovlev notes that fewer and fewer people dare to openly object to the governor:

Any public discussion has ceased. She went to the kitchen. The media is also being cleaned up.

Aleksey himself also suffered for criticizing the head of the region. After a series of materials, he was dismissed from the post of editor-in-chief of the Yaroslavl branch of the Regnum news agency.

Garbage Seagulls and corruption

In winter, for almost a month in the ancient Yaroslavl city of Uglich, no one took out the garbage, the number of spontaneous dumps increased. The “garbage” topic is actively discussed by Yaroslavl politicians: they say that Igor, the youngest son of Russian Prosecutor General Yuri Chaika, is showing interest in the business of removing household waste in the region. LLC "Charter" associated with it has already concluded the first cleaning contract with officials - naturally, the company had no competitors. Other agreements are not far off - it is not for nothing that Igor Chaika appears next to Dmitry Mironov during church services. By the way, the Instagram of the current Yaroslavl prime minister, a year ago, also posted photos of the then Minister of Agriculture of the Moscow Region, Dmitry Stepanenko, with Igor Chaika at a conference in China, where Stepanenko represented the Prosecutor General as a “Russian investor”, with whom he was “exploring new markets” for Russian food producers.

Dmitry Mironov and Igor Chaika demonstratively appear in public places together

Mironov was expected to fight corruption in the region, but not a single high-profile criminal case was opened during the year, and all dark schemes continue to exist. Those officials who are not ready to work with them are subject to dismissal, - Alexey Yakovlev claims.

He calls the creation of a single information and settlement center the main scam of the year. This private structure was given the authority to collect fees for housing and communal services from the entire region. The regional department of the Federal Antimonopoly Service opposed the creation of such, in the words of journalists, “feeding trough for their own”, but immediately after that, its head had to resign.

"Discontent will grow"

If pensioners in Yaroslavl are teetering on the brink of poverty, then officials are far from it. The region turned out to be one of the leaders in terms of salaries of employees of the executive authorities of the Central Federal District after Moscow and the Moscow region. The average salary is 49 thousand 527 rubles per month.

The budget also bears the cost of servicing "alien" officials - they are paid 35 thousand rubles a month to pay for rented housing. It is interesting that Dmitry Mironov himself lives in Yaroslavl at the expense of the people's treasury, although, according to the declaration, he has a spacious apartment in Moscow. However, every day, of course, you don’t run into work on the Mercedes-Benz GL 350 owned by the governor from the capital.

Many hoped that due to proximity to President Mironov, it would be possible to obtain additional funding for the region from Moscow. But the raised amounts cannot be called exorbitant. Agitation posters report on the attraction of "more than 8 billion rubles for the development of our region" from the federal budget. In the capital, more is spent on one light bulb on trees for the holidays.

For a year, Mironov failed to break the chronic underfunding of many important areas, Pavel Zarubin points out. Oleg Vinogradov warns that because of unfulfilled hopes for a new Kremlin appointee, the situation in the future threatens to explode socially.

It was expected that a person would put things in order, but this did not happen. Just plunder the region. Yaroslavl residents are disappointed, and discontent will grow, Alexey Yakovlev predicts.

Among the merits of Mironov are the repair of the Kotorosl bridge and the closure of the garbage dump near Pereslavl. Not too long list for 12 months of work. True, there are still 5 years ahead, because the candidate has little chance of losing the elections turned into a formality.

According to colleagues and colleagues, Dmitry Yuryevich is known as the owner of a strong-willed character, a clear psychological attitude of a leader and high moral qualities. He is distinguished by an analytical type of thinking, and when solving state issues, he practices an exclusively systematic approach.

The early years of Dmitry Mironov. Education

According to the official version, Dmitry Yuryevich Mironov was born in 1968 in the capital of the Far East - Khabarovsk. There is no information about his parents or other immediate family members. It is known that the future politician received a special education at the Higher Combined Arms Command School. Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR.

Dmitry Mironov's career in law enforcement agencies

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Mironov was enrolled in the staff of the Federal Security Service, then, for exemplary service, he was transferred to the Federal Security Service. The year 2013 was marked for Dmitry Yuryevich by a rapid career rise - he was appointed to the post of First Deputy Head of the Main Directorate of Criminal Investigation of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.

Thanks to conscientious work and the highest professionalism, already in February 2014, Mironov headed one of the most significant departments of the Ministry of Internal Affairs - the Main Directorate for Economic Security and Anti-Corruption (GUEBiPK).

It was impossible to say that it was very easy for him to take a position of such a level - Dmitry Yuryevich turned out to be (if I may say so) a compromise figure. The situation was complicated by the fact that the previous head of the aforementioned structure, Denis Sugrobov, was accused of creating an organized criminal group, repeatedly exceeding his official powers, forging state documents, falsifying evidence and extorting bribes on an especially large scale. There is unconfirmed information that the appointment of Mironov to this position was carried out due to the personal disposition of Vladimir Putin towards him. However, Dmitry Mironov stayed in the new position of the head of the GUEBiPK for a relatively short time, only a couple of months. In December 2015, he was appointed to the post of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

However, circumstances developed in such a way that the personal qualities and life experience of Dmitry Yuryevich were required by the state in a completely different direction of activity. On July 28, 2016, Dmitry Yuryevich Mironov, thanks to the next order of the President of the Russian Federation, was appointed Acting Governor of the Yaroslavl Region, having worked in his last position before this appointment in law enforcement agencies for a little more than eight months.

Personal life of Dmitry Yurievich Mironov

Dmitry Mironov is a politician today

According to Dmitry Mironov, the Yaroslavl region has a colossal trade, industrial and tourism potential, and therefore it is necessary to develop the region in all directions, harmoniously. Also, the newly minted politician focused on the need to concentrate all efforts on some especially important projects - the oncological hospital, which will be equipped with the most modern equipment, the Karabulinskaya interchange, which has been in need of major repairs for a long period of time. Naturally, the issue of filling the budget as soon as possible and creating all conditions for the development of small and medium-sized businesses was raised.

Acting Governor of the Yaroslavl Region Dmitry Mironov started work

One of the first initiatives of Dmitry Mironov as governor was the provision of material assistance to families in which three or more children were born at the same time. Parents of triplets who were born no earlier than January 1, 2016 could apply for assistance in the amount of 1 million rubles or assistance with improving housing conditions.